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Sex-Role Identification, "Motive to Avoid Success,' 
and Competitive Performance in College Women 









Each member of my committee, Professors Jaoquelin 
Goldman, Audrey Schumaker, Marvin Shaw, and William Purkey, 
is appreciated for contributing help, interest, and encour- 
agement. Especially warm appreciation is felt toward Dr. Harry 
Grater, Chairman, for his trusting and democratic filling of 
that position. 

Dr. C. Michael Levy, Dr. Madeline Ramey, and Sally 
Bolce were generous with their time and expertise in helping 
with the statistics involved in this dissertation, for which 
I am grateful. 

I am grateful to the subjects who participated in 
this study, and apologize to them for their "slave labor" 

My husband, Art, has been a constant source of en- 
couragement, helping in many ways. Without his willingness 
to carry more than hi3 "share of the load," this project 
would never have reached fruition. Adam Thor, my son, is 
due a special mention of my gratitude for his acceptance or 
endurance of the times when "Mama" was working. 

Finally, many thanks are due to my mother and father, 
who have encouraged me in the "motive to achieve" through- 
out my life. 








The Problem 1 

Sex Differences on Cognitive Tasks .. 4 

Sex-Role Conflict and Achievement 10 

Personality Theory ........ .15 

Achievement Motivation Literature .... 20 

/Competition .....24 

Social Learning as Theoretical Context 26 

Hypotheses 27 


Subjects 33 

Procedure , ..33 

Scrambled Words ..33 

Motive to Avoid Success 36 





Jypothesea .,...49 
ompetition — Implications ... ...... 56 

Sexual Role — Implications 57 





Table • Pa &> 

1 Scrambled Words Competition- 

Non-competition by Sex 40 

2 "Motive to Avoid Success" Imagery 

According to Sex of Cue and Sex 

of Subject 41 

JT Analysis of Variance of Scrambled Words 
Task Scores as a Function of Sex of 
Subject, Sex of Partner, and Competition- 
Non-competition 42 

4 Tabulation of Original "Motive to Avoid 
Success" Lead by Sex of Subject and 
Sex of Cue Ciiaracter 43 


Female "Motive to Avoid Success" 

Imagery to Female Cues and Corapetition- 
Non-competition Difference 44 

•o Male "Motive to Avoid Success" Imagery to 

Male Cues and Competition-Non-competition 

Difference ,. 44 


Female Subjects' Terman-Miles Scores and 
Competition-Non-competition Difference 
Scores ..... 46 

8 Female Subjects' Terman-Miles Scores and 

"Motive to Avoid Success" Imagery to 

Female Cues 46 

9 Sex Composition of Female Subjects' 

Major and Terman-Miles Scores 47 

10 Female Subjects' Educational Ambitions 

and Terman-Miles Scores 48 


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the 

Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment 

of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 



Mary Lewis Crummer 
June, 1972 

Chairman: Professor H. A. Grater 
Department of Psychology 

The literature on achievement differences between men and 
women, six differences in cognitive skill3, and achievement motiva- 
tion for women was reviewed for evidence and definition of women's 
lack of ambition and achievement in terms of status, power, or income* 
The learned social role of a woman was presented in the review as a 
major deterrent to Buccesa, especially in competitive situations. 

A Scrambled Words Task was given to 48 undergraduate male 
and 48 female psychology students in both competitive and non-competi- 
tive conditions. Verbal leads modified after the TAT were used to 
measure "motive to avoid success" (a concept developed by Matina 
Horner), projected to both male and female leads by both male and 
female subjects. 

z Hen did not make higher BCoreo in the competitive situation, 
contrary to expectation. Subjects of both sexes who scored higher in 
the competitive than in the non-competitive situation produced uore 
"motive to avoid succcus" imagery to same-sex cues than subjects with 
higher scores in the non-competitive situation. The total number of 
"motive to avoid success" projections to female cues wa3 greater than 
to male cues. 

Female subjects* scores on the Terman-Miles M-F related 
significantly to sex composition of major (more masculine scorers 
choosing majors containing more men) and showed strong non-signifi- 
cant trends for masculine scorers to be more educationally ambitious 
and showed more "motive to avoid success" imagery. 

The Terman-Miles scores for females were closer to the mid- 
point (less feminine) than in the standardization sample of 1938. 


The Problem 

Women can be considered as being by far the largest group 
of underachievers in our society. If performance is measured by 
standards generally thought to measure success, such as income, 
power, or status, the amount of each commanded by the 51 percent 
of the population which is female is seen to be strikingly leso 
than that commanded by the male part of the population. 

Considering the group upon which this paper will focus, 
college-educated women, the relative equality in ability and 
inequality of performance ia striking. Epstein (1970) concludes: 
"Our best women, in whom society has invested most heavily, under- 
perform, underachieve, and underproduce." 

Some objective descriptions of the situation of college 
women and how their situation differs from that of the male have 
been offered. On vocational interest tests, there are differ- 
ences in the types of fields in which male and female students 
indicate interest. The choices closely parallel the cultural 

stereotype of masculinity and femininity. On the Kuder Preference 
Record, male3, on the average, show stronger preferences for 
mechanical, persuasive, and computational work, while females 

favor literary, musical, artistic, social service, and clerical 
areas (Trailer and McCall, 194l)« °« the Allport-Vernon-Lindzey 
Study of Values, men generally show a preference for theoretical, 
economic, and political values, interpreted as indicating interest 
in abstract ideas and practical success, and a strong desire for 
prestige, influence, and power as life goals. Women show a 
greater interest in art, a stronger emphasis on religion, and a 
greater concern for the welfare of others as life goals, as indi- 
cated by their higher scores in the aesthetic, social, and religious 
categories (Didato and Kennedy, 1956). 

These test preferences reflect differences in the college 
majors and vocational choices of males and females. The United 
States Department of Labor reports (I962) that "the subjects in 
which the largest number of men earned their degrees were quite 
different, from those chosen by women, except for an overlapping 
area in the social sciences." l Men earned more than nine-tenths ' 
of the degrees in engineering, agriculture, law, medicine, and 
business, and about nine-tenths of the degrees in physical 
sciences and pharmacy. Men earn three-fourtb.3 of the degrees in 
biological sciences and mathematics. Women are in the majority in 
education, English, journalism, and foreign languages, and earn 
almost all the degrees in home economics and nursing. 

As the above report might indicate, female college students 
tend to choose majors which may be considered extensions of the 
female role. This tendency seems to be greater, the more advanced 
the girl is in college. A group of gifted girls who had chosen 

science as a major upon entering college were examined upon gradua- 
tion. A majority of even these girls were graduating in social 
work, education, nursing, or home economics (Ross's study of 
Michigan State undergraduates, as reported by Epstein, 1970). Even 
with this change of majors, Ross reported that the majority of the 
girls still had no specific career plans to which they were com- 
mitted as lifetime goals. The same lack of definiteness in college 
women concerning careers was reported in a study by Rose (1951). 
She questioned students concerning their expectations for adult 
roles and came to the general conclusion that there wa3 inconsis- 
tency, lack of definiteness, and lack of realism among a signifi- 
cant proportion cf women college students concerning their expecta- 
tions about their adult roles. Many of these girls indicated 
that they expected to be intensively involved in an unrealistioally 
large spectrum of activities. 

Plans after college graduation differ considerably for 
college men and women. College women with "A" averages resembled 
"B" average men in plans for graduate work. Women with "A" and "B" 
averages resembled "C" men in proportions to who were undecided or 
had no plans for advanced education (Bernard, I964). 

In her study of women with Ph.D. 's, Bailyn (1964) notes 
that many professional women are unattached to institutions, a 
situation making motivation for academic achievement difficult to 
keep up. She also notes that a married woman's professional de- 
cision can be revoked at any time without social sanctions, unlike 
the largely irrevokable commitment of men. Marriage and children 

are major factors in determining women Ph.D. 's occupations. While 
96 percent of unmarried female Ph.D. 's work full time, 87 percent 
of married female Ph.D. 's without children work full time, and 
59 percent of married women Ph.D. 's with children work full time 
(Simon, Clark, and Galway, I967). These authors also note that 
women are more likely than men to he employed at colleges rather 
than universities, in atmospheres usually not as conducive to 
academic productivity. This fact is also mentioned by Bernard 
(I964), as she notes that, when position is controlled for, women 
are as productive as men, but women tend to gravitate to less 
productive positions. 

The reviewed studies picture the college- or postgraduate- 
educated woman a3 being less academically ambitious than her male 
counterpart. Literature from varying areas contributes to an 
understanding of why this might be. 

Sex Differences on Cognitive Ta3ks 

Carlson and Carlson (i960) indict the psychological litera- 
ture for being spectacularly poorly designed by reason of it3 
failing to take sex differences into account. They express the 
frustration of the researcher interested in sex differences in 
noting that for the years reviewed (1958-I96O) only around 10 
percent of the articles in the Journal of Abnormal and Social 
Psychology reported the sex of the subjects and reported data by 

Notwithstanding the loss of immense amounts of information 

due to faulty reporting procedures, there is a literature concern- 
ing sex differences in cognitive skills. One of the most consist- 
ent findings is that men generally exhibit greater facility in 
problem-solving than women (Sweeney, 1953, in a review of the 
literature). Milton (1959), in a later review, notes that, even 
when differences in intellectual aptitude, academic training, and 
special abilities are controlled for, men's superiority over 
women in problem-solving still holds. 

Even in the preschool years, sex differences in approach to 
intellectual tasks have been found. When given IQ test3, preschool 
girls initially tended to meet the unfamiliar situation more 
adaptively, orienting quickly to directions and tasks, but, as the 
tasks became more difficult, this sex difference was reversed 
and girls became less integrated, more anxious, and more evasive 
than boys (Moriarty, I96I). When preschool children were permitted 
freely to ask questions, boys asked more "why" and "how" questions 
spontaneously, while girls more frequently asked for information 
about social rules and conventional ways of applying labels to 
objects (Smith, 1933), indicating that differences in the frame 
of mind necessary for successful problem-solving may be present 
at an early age. 

Moriarty 1 s findings concerning girls' problems on more 
difficult tasks are corroborated by the research of Crandall and 
Rabson (i960) and McMannis (1965), using older children. They 
found that boys six to eight years old and boys in the fifth and 
sixth grades, respectively, would choose more often than girls 

of the same ages to return to a difficult rather than an easy task. 

While approach to tasks, especially difficult tasks, shows 
sex differences at an early age, which one might try to relate 
to adult differences, such as academic major choice, it must be 
mentioned that the school performance record of children does not 
reflect these differences. There are few achievement differences, 
on the average, between boys and girls prior to the high school 
level; if any slight differences are shown, they seem to favor the 
girls. At the beginning high school level, girls begin to do 
poorer on a few intellectual tasks, such as arithmetical reasoning. 
Beyond the high school level, the achievement of women, now 
measured in terms of accomplishment, drops off rapidly (ifaccoby, 

Further elaboration of developmental achievement histories 
is presented by Lewin (1965) in his study of underachieving high 
school students. He found that underachieving boys showed a con- 
sistent history of underachievement, dating from early in their 
elementary school careers, while underachieving girls' grades were 
more likely to have dropped at the onset of puberty. 

Developmentally, in summary, girls achieve in school as well 
or better than boy3 until high school age, or around puberty. 
Differences in problem-solving, particularly in reference to diffi- 
cult problems, are present at an early age. These finds imply 
that, unless one believes there are "innate" differences in the 
cognitive abilities of the sexes, there are early differences in 

the way children are socialized with reference to cognitive skills. 
These differences in socialization may become much more salient 
at the time of puberty, when awarenesB of sex-role becomes more 

Other research has examined adult sex differences in prob- 
lem-solving ability in an attempt to explain these differences. 
Milton (1959) suggested that the sex differences might bo an 
artifact of research methods. He noted that problems conventional 
to research in the area are typically masculine in content. Ho 
designed two sets of problems in which the task was the same but 
the content of one 3et masculine and the other set feminine (e.g., 
how to divide a board vs. how to divide cookie dough). He found 
that the men still solved, on the average, more problems than did 
women, irrespective of problem content; but the difference be- 
tween male and female problem-solving ability was reduced by more 
than one-half on the problems designated as female-appropriate 
as compared to male-appropriate problems, indicating that the size 
of the sex difference in problem-solving ability may be affected by 
experimental bias. But the direction and significance of the 
difference remains despite the bias — in fact, even if the bias is 

Carey (1955) took a different approach in trying to explain 
the male-female problem-solving performance discrepancy. She be- 
lieved that sex differences in problem-solving performance which 
are not the result of differences in general intelligence, special 
aptitudes, or information are attributable to differences in 
attitude toward problem -solving. Using a Likert-type scale, she 

measured attitude toward problem-solving. Men received signifi- 
cantly higher scores on this attitude scale than did women (indi- 
cating a more favorable attitude toward problem-solving). Groups 
of three men and three women then discussed the factors involved 
in problem-solving success. An administration of another atti- 
tude scale followed, along with a problem-solving retest. Men 
had received, as usual, superior scores on the original problem- 
solving task. They still received higher scores than the women on 
the retest, but the women significantly narrowed the gap on the 
retest. Women's attitudes toward problem-solving were changed 
after the discussion significantly more than men's attitudes. 

Carai (1958) also points out the influence of attitude as 
he comments in his review article: "Males generally exhibit 
greater problem-solving motivation than females throughout life. 
They Beem to regard the solution of a problem as a challenge 
rather than a threat." 

Milton (1957) offers a hypothesis which is consistent with 
the conjecture that attitude influences problem-solving skill, 
yet uses different terms. Milton Buggests that differences in 
problem-solving skill between men and women may be due, at least 
in part, to a set of learned behaviors that characterize a cul- 
turally defined sex-role, and that, further, the more an indi- 
vidual identifies with the masculine sex-role, the greater will 
be his problem-jolving skill. Using problems requiring set 
changing and numerical problems (which in the literature have 
been shown to be strong points of male subjects) balanced by 

direct and non-numerical problems (female strong points), Milton 
designed a forty-problem test. He administered the Terman-Miles 
H-F Scale to the subjects and found that scores on this scale 
accounted for a significant part of the difference between men 
and women in problem-solving skill — in fact, diminishing the dif- 
ference to the point of non-3ignificance. The Terman-Miles Scale 
was also significantly related to wi thin-sex problem-solving dif- 
ferences. Milton's hypothesis was confirmed and he further 
commented: "The female child, even though possessing adequate 
intellect and opportunity to learn, will probably not develop 
problem-solving skills if she forms an appropriate identifica- 
tion with the feminine role, because this type of problem-solving 
is not appropriate to the female sex-role in her culture." 

Hasearch relating performance on an anagrams task to the 
Gough M-P scores also supports the sex-role identification theory. 
Women with more masculine orientations measured by the Gough 
test had higher n-achievement scores and higher performance 
scores than did women with more feminine orientations (Lipinski, 
i960), French (1964)1 however, devised a questionnaire measur- 
ing the extent to which females value the woman's role and the 
extent to which women value intellectual achievement. Scores 
on this questionnaire were not related to performance on an 
anagramo task. 

In summary, there is a sex difference in problem-solving 
psrfomance. Some, but not all, of the difference may be accounted 
for by the sex appropriateness of the problems. Attitude toward 


problem-solving seems to be one of the variables operating. 
Several studies relate problem-solving skill to sex-role identi- 
fication, but one study failed to find a relation. 

Sex-Role Conflict and Achievement 

A number of authors in areas other than cognitive skills 
have commented on the intellectual performance record of women, 
citing the incompatibilities in our culture between intellectual 
achievement and the approved sex-role for females. 

Bettelheim (l?62) comments: 

The ways in which we bring up many girls in 
America, and the goals we set for them are so 
strangely and often painfully contradictory that 
it is only too predictable that their expecta- 
tion of love and work and marriage should fre- 
quently be confused and that deep satisfactions 
should elude them .... The female who needs 
and wants a man is often placed in a sadly 
absurd position: she must shape herself to 
please a complex male image of what she should 
be like, but alas it is often an image having 
little to do with her own real desires or po- 
tentialities. ... Boys have no doubt that 
their schooling is intended, at least, to help 
them make a success in their mature life, to 
enable them to accomplish something in the 
outside world. But the girl is made to feel 
she must undergo precisely the same training 
only because she may need it if she is a fail- 
ure, an unfortunate who somehow cannot gain 
admission to the haven of marriage and mother- 
hood where she properly belongs. 

Several studies agree that college women feel that intellec- 

tual competence — or even a strong individual identity — is consid- 
ered a detriment to marriage. Wallin (i960) reports that only 


35 percent of the Stanford girls he interviewed thought it not 
at all damaging to a girl's chances for dates if she is known 
to be outstanding in academic work. A substantial number (40— 
50 percent) of the girls interviewed said they felt called upon 
to pretend inferiority to college men. 

Komarvosky (1946), using extensive autobiographical and 
interview data, describes the incompatibilities of the feminine 
role and the demands of college. Although there were many 
individual differences in the amount of conflict expressed by 
her subjects, most had felt the stress of the knowledge that 
the full realization of one role threatens defeat in the other. 
The girlB perceived the contradictory pressures as coming from 
parents a3 well as from society in general. ' 

Douvan and Adelson (1966), in speaking of identity forma- 
tion in the adolescent female, indicate that it is a much more 
difficult process than for the male. "Too sharp a self-defini- 
tion, and too full an investment in an unique personality inte- 
gration are not considered to be desirable traits in a woman in 
our society and may handicap the girl in her search for a suitable 

Even if the college girl or professional woman were aware 
of the coersive forces in society forcing her to a dichotomy of 
intellectual achievement and fulfillment of affiliative needs, 
she could not dismiss these messages as solely unfounded preju- 
dice. The fears of parents that their intellectual daughters 
will not marry havea firm basis in fact. According to Simon's 


(1967) study of recent Ph.D. 's, 50 percent of women Ph.D. 's are 
unmarried, a 3tate not Bhared by male Ph.D. 'a, of whom 95 percent 
are married. 

Heilbrun (1963) specifies the differences in the role re- 
quired of a feminine person and the qualities required by the 
college experience. He says that girls from a young age are 
likely to be rewarded for deferent, passive, dependent, and 
nurturant modes of behavior, while the college experience requires 
the more masculine attributes of competitiveness, independence, 
and assert iveness. He compared each girl's Edwards items report- 
ing behavior and her rated social desirability of each behavior 
in order to get a measure of the consistency between the values 
that a girl may hold and her reported behavior. The one area of 
great inconsistency for females was on the achievement-oriented 
items. This inconsistency may represent a major disruptive in- 
fluence in the female student's adjustment to college, Heilbrun 
conjectures, finger (1961) agrees. In an article on emotional 
disturbances among college women, he stresses the incompatibility 
between the female role and success in college as a major source 
of emotional difficulties in college womeny* 

Maccoby (1963) concurs, saying: £|f a girl does succeed 
in maintaining the qualities of dominance, independence, and 
active striving that appear requisites for good analytic thinking, 
in so doing she is defying conventions concerning what is appro- 
priate behavior for her sex." ) Maccoby believes that, if a girl 
i3 successful intellectually, she must pay a price in anxiety. 


This anxiety, she says, helps to account for a lack of produc- 
tivity among those women who do make intellectual careers. 

While most psychologists dealing with the problem, including 
those reviewed up to this point in this paper, have started with 
the premise that there is a difference between men and women in 
achievement or the attainment of success, not all writers agree. 
Some suggest that lower achievement or achievement motivation 
among females is primarily a result of psychologists' male defi- 
nition of achievement. They contend that achievement means dif- 
ferent things for the two sexes. 

Zazzo (l962),/in reporting upon questionnaires given to 
French adolescents, concludes that each sex has a different 
definition of what constitutes success in life. For males, 
success is determined by wealth, prestige, and vocational ad- 
vancement; for females, by the ability to be loved, make friends, 
and enjoy satisfying relations with people. 

In a review of the literature, Carai and Scheinfeld (1963) 
cite findings from a wide variety of studies as converging 
"toward the conclusion that girls and women are motivated by 
affiliative needs, while boys and men are chiefly spurred on by 
the achievement needs in their search for satisfaction and happi- 
ness in life." 

French and Lesser (1964) discuss the lack of a consistent 
theory of achievement motivation in women. They speculate that 
what is achievement for a woman is less universal than for a man, 
saying, "Even highly motivated girls holding social or horaemaking 


goalB could not be expected to strive to excel at intellectual 

Parsons and Bales (1955) use the structure of the family in 
describing the different areas in which success or competence is 
experienced for males and females. They describe the family as a 
mother-father unit with specific role distribution. "The mother 
role is concerned with the expression and satisfaction of emo- 
tional longings. She becomes the 'social-emotional specialist' 
who regulates the interpersonal relations in the nuclear family, 
while the main role of the father is that of 'task specialist' 
who uses his abilities primarily for the solution of problems 
related to the mastery of the external environment." 

Other research has used the Fand Role Inventory as a 
measure of overt attitudes toward femininity. A subject receives 
a highly "feminine" score if she is other-, rather than self-, 
oriented, reflecting an interesting concept of the difference 
between masculinity and femininity. Kalla (1968) compared col- 
lege women majoring in home economics to those majoring in arts 
and sciences. She did not find significant differences between 
the two groups on the Fand Inventory . She did, however, find that 
both groups attributed greater other-orientations to the average 
woman and men's ideal woman than for their own self or own ideal 
woman. It would appear by these finds that the degree to which 
the average woman is other-oriented or "feminine" is distorted in 
the mind of a large number of women who see themselves a3 less 

"feminine" than average or than what men see as desirable. 


A bit of objective verification for the practice of using 
the Fand Inventory as an indicator of "feminine" or "masculine" 
definitions of success is found in a study by Porter (I967). She 
administered the Fand to college women and divided them into self- 
and other-oriented groups. She found that those who were self- 
oriented were more likely to plan graduate study and were less 
interested in finding husbands than those who were other-oriented. 
However, there was no difference between the two groups in mar- 
riage or engagement rate and no relation to elation-depression 
or ego strength. 

As the preceding authors argue, either implicitly or ex- 
plicitly, it may not be valid to define success the same way for 
males and for females. The definition of success or failure is, 
in any case, one which is made by the person in question rather 
than by a psychologist, and there is ample evidence (Komarvosky, 
1946, Binger, I96I, Heilbrun, 1963) that women in an academic 
setting do accept the evaluation of that setting a3 to what 
constitutes a success or failure. To say that what constitutes 
success for a woman is the satisfaction of affiliative needs 
oversimplifies. Women in academic settings are liable to the rein- 
forcements of that milieu, as well as to the perhaps conflicting 
values and reinforcements they may obtain from other sources. 

Personality Theory 

Freud's (1933) best-known comments on this topic are his 
explanation of much of the achievement strivings of women in terms 


of the concept of "penis envy." "The desire after all to obtain 
the penis for which 3he so much longs may ... contribute to the 
motives that impel a grown-up woman to analysis. ... What she 
expects from such as the capacity to pursue an intellectual 
career can often be recognized as a sublimated modification of 
this repressed wish." 

Even in explaining achievement strivings in women as being 
based on the internal dynamic of envy of men and, as such, some- 
thing to be unmasked as something other than what it seems, or, 
as some of his followers inferred, something needing to be "cured," 
Freud vacillates. His theories on women are presented much more 
tentatively than the other theories in his New introductory lec - 
tures on psychoanalysis . While he contends that from infancy 
girls have a greater need for affiliation, tending to be more 
docile and dependent than males, a position that certainly is 
consistent with his oft-quoted dictum that "Anatomy is destiny," 
he does not totally ignore societal factors. "Repression of ag- 
gressiveness imposed by their constitutions and by society favors 
development of strong masochistic impulses," he further states. 
At the beginning of his discourse on women, he cautions, "We 
must take care not to underestimate the influence of social con- 
ventions which force women into passive situations." Cautions 
such as these seem to have been ignored, however, and Freud has 
been cast by most later interpreters as being squarely of the 
position that achievement strivings by women are wholly explainable 
in terms of an internal neurotic dynamic. 


Shainless (1969) criticizes Freud, contending that he was 
unable to "distinguish between the culturally derived and the 
biologic substrate of feminine personality and sexuality." She 
traces his thinking to roots in Jewish theology, summing up his 
position a3 being that aggressiveness in women is a sign of 
neurotic penis envy and masculine protest. 

Followers of Freud, even female ones such aa Deutsch (1944), 
have taken up the position that aggressiveness and achievement 
strivings in women are basically neurotic. Deutsch presents a 

picture of the healthy adult woman a3 being narcissistic, maso— 


chistio, and passive. 

Later Freudians have become more complex in their explana- 
tions of the reasons for women's lack of vocational achievement. 
While not viewing such lack of achievement or ambition as perhaps 
a sign of health, as earlier Freudians would logically seem to, 
these authors remain more oriented toward explanations in terms 
of internal dynamics rather than explanations in terms of social 

Failure, especially in competition with men, is tied to 
expiation of guilt for envy toward men, or, relatedly, to castra- 
tion anxiety (Schuster, I955, Ovesey, 1956, I962). 0ve3ey (I956) 
speaks of the "masculine aspirations" which are often expressed 
by his women psychotherapy patients. "Aa of today, the society 
is still a male -oriented society in which the position of women 
is devalued. . . . Masculinity represents strength, dominance, 
superiority — femininity represents weakness, submissivenesB, 


inferiority. Many women consciously reject this prejudicial 
picture of themselves, but it is doubtful that any escape its 
deleterious effects on an unconscious level." If a woman competes 
with men, he claims, she pays a price in anxiety and fear of re- 
taliation. He relates this anxiety, however, primarily to the 
conflicts engendered during the developmental stage when a girl 
experiences castration anxiety, rather than primarily to present 
social roles or situations. 

In watching young children at play, Erik Erikson (1965) 
observed that girls produced enclosed play structures, circular 
and protected inside, while boys were more likely to produce 
stacks or towers. He developed these observations into his con- 
cepts of inner and outer space, an hypothesis that the psychologi- 
cal and conceptual worlds of males and females are constructed 
along the lines of their anatomical features. 

A distinct contrast to the Freudians' and Neo-Freudians' 
explanations in terms of internal dynamics is offered by the 
comments of anthropologists. They emphasize the way persons are 
socialized, and the roles assigned them by society, as the major 
explanations for the development of such character traits as 
achievement striving, competitiveness, and aggressiveness. An 
analysis of child-training procedures of 82 primitive and modern 
cultures from the Yale Culture File showed 85 percent emphasizing 
self-reliance and independence training for boys preferentially, 
and 15 percent equally for boys and girls, with no cultures 
emphasizing such training preferentially for girls (Barry, Bacon, 


and Child, 1957). In addition, nurturance, obedience, and respon- 
sibility training were preferentially emphasized for girls in 
most of the cultures surveyed. These finds are particularly sig- 
nificant in view of the work of Winterbottom (1953), studying 
eight- to ten-year-old males. He concluded that early training 
which rewards independence and mastery and offers few restric- 
tions after mastery has been attained contributed to the develop- 
ment of strong achievement motivation. 

Margaret Head (1935) argues strongly for the need to con- 
sider temperament differences between the sexes a3 other than 
innate. "The temperaments which we regard as native to one sex 
might be, instead, mere variation of human temperament, to which 
the members of either or both sexes may [be inclined]. ... In 
preliterate and advanced societies as well, qualities which are 
defined as male in one Gociety may be defined as female in another," 
she argues. Further, in reference to the tribes she studied, "Any 
idea that traits on the order of dominance, bravery, aggressive- 
ness, objectivity, or malleability are associated with one sex is 
entirely lacking." In commenting upon her study, she mentions the 
dichotomy into which Westerners have traditionally placed sex roles, 
saying that "Because women are aggressive does not mean men will be 
the opposite. . . .[There is] not a simple reversal of our roles 
in a ' matriarchal ' society. There are other alternatives. Men 
do not need to be either dominant or henpecked with no other alter- 

In a later work, Male and female (1949), Mead speaks mora 


directly about American society; 

The adolescent girl in our Gociety begins to 
realize that her attempts to achieve place 
her in competition with men and elicit negative 
reactions from them. . . our society defines out 
of the female role ideas and strivings for intel- 
lectual achievement. ... Each step forward in 
work as a successful American regardless of sex 
means a step back as a woman, and also, infer— 
entially, a step back imposed on some male. 

Achievement Motivation Literature 

The sizable literature on achievement motivation would seem 
to be a logical place to look for enlightenment on the question of 
women's performance. However, McClelland's The achievement motive 
makes no mention of achievement motivation in women, and Atkinson's 
Motives in fantasy, action, and society only mentions women's 
achievement in a footnote that "Perhaps the most persistent unre- 
solved problem in research on n-ach concerns the observed sex dif- 
ferences." Nearly all the literature on achievement motivation is 
derived from atudiea using males as subjects. Although there has 
been formed a fairly consistent theory of achievement motivation 
in men, the few comparable studies which have been done using 
females yielded results which were not consistent with the male 
findings nor were they consistent with each other. 

A few authors have approached the problem of the achieve- 
ment motivation of women, in an attempt to explain the inconsist- 
ent results in relation to male achievement motivation theory. In 
assessing n-ach, TAT cards are used. The main figure on some or 


all of these cards, depending on the study, are male.Veroff et al. (l953) 
suggests that the way females respond to these cards is not directly 
analogous to the way males respond to the cards. He found that both 
male and female high school students produce greater n-ach scores 
to pictures of men than to pictures of women. These findings sug- 
gest that a sex-role stereotype seems to be operating as well as 
the assumed projection of the subject's own needs. Not only are 
the n-ach scores partially dependent upon the sex of the main 
figure on the card, but several studies have shown that n-ach 
scores derived from analyzing female main figure scores separately 
from male figure cards do not predict performance in the same way. 
McClelland et al . (l953)report that women's scores to male pic- 
tures predict anagram production, while their scores to female 
pictures do not. Lesser, Kravitz, and Packard (I963) used subjects 
from a high school for gifted girlo and compared achievers and 
underachievers. They found a highly significant difference in the 
achievement motivation scores of the two groups. Achieving girls 
made much higher n-ach scores than did underachieving girls. 
Almost all of this difference was accounted for by the response to 
cards with female main figures. Both groups produced about the 
same amount of achievement imagery to male figures, but the achiev- 
ing girl3 produced much more achievement imagery to the female 
figures than did the underachieving girls. sThe authors interpret 
the results as meaning that achieving girls perceive intellectual 
achievement goals a3 a relevant part of their own female role, 
while underachieving girls perceive intellectual achievement goals 


as more relevant to the male role than to their own female role.^^ 

Another study by Pierce and Bowman (i960) reported an 
absence of a significant relationship between n-ach scores and 
academic performance wnen only pictures of men were used in assess- 
ing the n-ach of the female subjects. 

It would appear that one reason that many early achieve- 
ment motivation studies did not find results for women comparable 
to those for men was that the measure of n-ach was not comparable. 
Women and men both appear to maintain the stereotype of achievement 
being masculine as they project more achievement imagery upon mas- 
culine figures. This stereotype interferes with women's scores to 
such an extent that projections to a male figure cannot be assumed 
to be projections of the subject's own needs. Indirectly, these 
studies again point out the importance of a female's perception of 
intellectual achievement as an ingredient of the feminine role; in 
fact, the Lesser et al . results strongly suggest that this percep- 
tion may be the critical factor in distinguishing female achievers 
from underachievors. 

In addition to the work on the sex of the TAT card as an 
explanatory factor for n-ach scores in women, some work has been 
done concerning the sex differences in the effect of several condi- 
tions of "arousal" or experimental set upon the n— ach scores of 
subjects. Briefly, women failed to show the expected increase in 
thematic apperceptive n-ach imagery when exposed to experimental 
conditions of achievement motivation stressing "intelligence and 
leadership" (Veroff et al ., 1953t HcCIelland et al ., 1953, Lesser 


et_al., 1963). Further delineation is found in a study of Univer- 
sity of Maryland coeds, wherein the achievement responses of women 
were increased under achievement arousal conditions when this 
arousal was in terms of "social acceptance" rather than the usual 
"leadership and intelligence" instructions (Field, 1951). 

Again, the sex difference in response to arousal, like the 
differences in response to the sex of the main figure of the card, 
could be attributed to the effect reported by Moss and Kagan (I96I) 
that the thematic material is strongly influenced by the subjects' 
conceptions of what behaviors are appropriate to the hero's social 

\ Matina Horner (1968) completed a doctoral dissertation on 
the subject of achievement motivation in women. A student of Atkin- 
son, she worked firmly in the tradition of n-ach research. Finding 
the measurement of the motive to achieve, even with the addition of 
the measurement of the motive to avoid failure, along with the 
measurement of the need for affiliation, not adequate to prediot 
task performance in college women, she proposed an additional 
measure, of the motive to avoid success. ) Using verbal TAT-like 
leads, she wa3 able to score motive to avoid success imagery, and 
to determine that women soored significantly higher on this measure 
than men. She noted that men as a group performed better in competi- 
tive situations on anagram, arithmetic, and coding problems than they 
did in non-competitive situations. A comparison of women's perform- 
ances in competitive and non-competitive situations was inconclu- 
sive. However, the motive to avoid success measure was related to 


women's performance. Women who scored high in motive to avoid suc- 
cess imagery performed at a higher level in the non-competitive than 
in the competitive situation. Horner's work goes well beyond the 
traditional n-ach explanations that had been formulated to explain 
male achievement behavior. Her theory that the achievement behav- 
ior of some females is affected by motive to avoid success i3 con- 
sistent with the social role theory and is also consistent with the 
theory that attitude toward problem-solving is a major factor in 
the cognitive performance of women. Horner, however, makes no 
attempt to reconcile her theory with work in other fields. Her 
introduction of competition and the motive to avoid success aa 
variables in achievement situations was a significant addition to 
achievement motivation work and certainly points to a probable area 
of fruitful investigation of Bex differences. 


Kagan and Moss (1962) contend that the typical female 
experiences greater anxiety over aggressive and competitive behav- 
ior than the male and that she is more conflicted over intellectual 
competition than the male, leading to inhibition of intense striv- 
ings for academic excellence. They note that a competitive attitude 
is part of the traditional masculine role proscription and not part 
of the traditional feminine role prescription. Their longitudinal 
study concluded that achievement-oriented women were confident, 
counterphobic, and competitive during childhood and adolescence, 
indicating that achievement patterns are set early and are strongly 
influenced by the family. 


Other studies come closer to documenting what Kagan and Moss 
suggest about women's anxiety in competitive situations. A 3tudy 
noting the amount of time and the number of instances that partners 
in experimental games looked at each other showed that competitive 
situations greatly inhibited mutual glances among females with a 
high need for affiliation, an effect much stronger than for males. 
The author explains this as a cutting down on reception of unpleas- 
ant stimuli, implying that competition is more unpleasant for fe- 
males than for males (Exline, I963). 

Striking sex differences in strategy in a three-person 
competitive game were noted by Usegui and Vinacke (1963). Men 
seemed to readily become immersed in the competitive spirit of the 
game, while women seemed to be more interested in maintaining 
friendly relations with the other players than in winning. Women 
usually did not engage in the exploitive strategies which charac- 
terized the men's play. 

Other evidence for the relative lack of competitiveness 
among females is reported by Walker and Heyns (1962). Couples 
worked together on a problem in which the success of one meant the 
failure of the other (an operational definition of a competitive 
situation). One of the partners, a confederate, at one point asked 
his partner to "please slow down." Girls obeyed this request; boys 
did not. 

\ All of the authors cited in this section point to the conclu- 
sion that women's performance doe3 not seem to be stimulated by com- 
petition in the way that men's performance is. Certainly this could 


be a factor in women's relative lack of achievement in academic 

Social Learning as Theoretical Context 

A social learning theory of personality, as presented by 
Rotter (I954)i provides a unifying context for the material reviewed. 
The findings that women are academically and professionally under- 
achievers and show poorer performance in problem-solving than men, 
as compiled in the first two sections of this review, can be ex- 
plained in terms of the differing set of rewards and punishments 
offered by society to each sex for these behaviors. 

The findings that puberty is the time for underachievement 
to appear for girls (Maccoby, 1966), the Milton (1957) and Lipinski 
(i960) findings of the relationship between sex-role identification 
and problem-solving ability, and the numerous comments in the 
"Sex-Role Conflict and Achievement" section of this review on the 
incompatibilities between intellectual achievement and the approved 
(reinforced) social role of a woman — all point to sex differences 
in the social reinforcements for intellectual achievement. 

Freudians and Neo-Freudians, on the other hand, do not place 
emphasis on social learning as a cause of an individual's under- 
achievement, looking instead for individual internalized causes. 

Freudianism has influenced many of the myths of present-day 
American culture and is, the author feels, one of the sources of 
negative reinforcement for achievement in females. 


The theories of achievement motivation are quite amenable 
to restatement and inclusion in a social learning context. 


The objective of this investigation was to add to the 
knowledge concerning the effect of college women's learned social 
role upon their intellectual performance. The investigation of the 
observed discrepancy between capacity and performance, following 
social learning theory, began with some of the qualities of the 
female role (that i3, behavior reinforced differentially for females) 
in our society relevant to achievement. 

Some of the qualities of the traditional feminine role which 
make intellectual achievement difficult for women have been men- 
tioned in the literature review. Dominance, aggressiveness, and 
non-nurturant behavior are necessary in order to compete success- 
fully. These are traditionally unfeminine traits. In competition, 
there i3 a head-on collision between a woman's self-ideal as a winner 
or successful person (an ideal of the general culture) and a woman's 
self-ideal as feminine. 

Placing both men and women in both competitive and non- 
competitive situations, it was hypothesized that: 

H, Male subjects would obtain higher task scores 
in the competitive situation than in the non- 
competitive situation. 

H, Female subjects would tend to score higher on 
the task in the non-competitive situations but, 
due to large individual variations, the trend 
would not reach significance. 


Khen Homer (1968) compared different groups of men and 
women in competitive and non-competitive situations, she found that, 
consistent with the cultural norm, the men in the competitive situ- 
ation did better than the men in the non-competitive situation. 
Women, however, were unpredictable until an additional concept— 
the motive to avoid success"— was introduced and measured. The 
"motive to avoid success" was posited by Horner on the premise that 
an expectancy is aroused in competitive achievement situations 
that success will lead to negative consequences for women. Test- 
or achievement-related anxiety had previously been viewed mainly 
as motivation to avoid failure. Women generally score higher than 
men on such measures as the Handler-Sarason Test Anxiety Questionnaire . 
As Horner points out, test- or achievement-anxiety measures do not 
specify what one is anxious about but simply that he or she is 
anxious in a particular type of situation. The argument that success 
for women arouses an expectancy of negative consequences is based 
upon material reviewed in the "Sex-Role Conflict and Achievement" 
and "Personality Theory" sections of this paper. In particular, 
note Bettelheim's (1962) argument that academic success may mean 
failure to a woman, and Mead's (1949) idea that intellectual striving 
can be viewed as "competitively aggressive behavior." 

H, Female subjects would show more "motive to 
avoid success" imagery than males, in 
replication of Horner. 

H Both male and female subjects would attrib- 
ute more "motive to avoid success" imagery 
to female cues than to male cues. 


He Females' scoreo on the "motive to avoid 
success" measure will be related to the 
competitive-non-competitive task score 
difference, particularly in competition 
with males. 

The extent to which a woman identifies with the traditional 
feminine role determines, in part, the extent of ita reinforcing 
power over her. Much of the material reviewed in the "Sex-Role 
Conflict and Achievement" and "Sex Differences in Cognitive Tasks" 
sections of this paper points to the conclusion that the extent of 
identification with the traditional feminine role affects a fe- 
male's intellectual performance and ambition. A measure of role 
identification, which was used fruitfully in Hilton's (1957) study 
and has been used often in research for determining masculinity- 
femininity (really the extent of traditional role identifcation), 
is the Terman-Milca M-F Scale . 

The Terman-Miles M-F Scale , referred to on all the subjects' 
materials as the Attitude-Interest Analysis Test, was designed to 
"make possible a quantitative estimation of the amount and direction 
of a subject '3 deviation from the mean of his or her sex in inter- 
ests, attitudes, and thought trendB"(Terman and Miles, 1938). There 
are seven part3 to the measure: word association, ink-blot associa- 
tion, information, emotional and ethical response, interests, per- 
sonalities and opinions, and introvertive response. There are 456 
items in a multiple-choice format. 

Masculine-aide scorers among females on the 
Terman-Miles would have a positive competitive- 
non-competitive taBk score difference (meaning 
that they make higher Bcores in the competitive 


The rationale for Hg is that women who identify relatively- 
little with the traditional female role will he more likely to deal 
with competitive situations! as men do, that is, as an incentive to 
achievement. The author is aware that alternative rationales could 
be employed to argue for the opposite position, that women who do 
not follow the traditional female role will have placed themselves 
often in places where they would receive negative reinforcement for 

H ? Females' Terman-Miles scores will he 

related to "motive to avoid success" scores. 

The direction is not predicted on this hypothesis, since it 
could be argued that more masculine scorers, by not identifying 
with the traditional female role, escape the set of reinforcements 
which make "motive to avoid success" necessary; or, alternately, 
that their deviancy has brought them many times into situations in 
which they might be negatively reinforced for success. 

Hg Scores of the Terman-Miles will show less 
clear sex differentiation than the 1938 
standardization sample; but the instrument 
will still differentiate between the sexes. 

Sex-roles are becoming more flexible but still are defined. 

Each subject was given a short questionnaire including information 

on major and educational plans. 

H_ Female subjects in the more masculine group 

on the Terman-Miles will be less likely to choose 
majors that could be considered extensions of 
the female role than acorer3 in the more 
feminine group. 

"lO ^ e ' ,!a * e subjects in the more masculine group on the 
Terman-Miles will be more educationally ambitious 
(plan more years of schooling) than subjects in the 
more feminine group. 



The Presidential Task Force on Women' 3 Rights and Responsibilities 
(1970) documents the case of women's lack of income, power, and 
status. For example, some excerpts from the report state that: 
In public school teaching, a field dominated numerically by women, 
75 percent of elementary school principals are men, and 96 percent 
of junior high school principals are men. The median earnings of 
white men employed year-around full-time is $7,396; of Negro men, 
$4,777; of white women, $4,279; of Negro women, $3,194. Women with 
Borne college education, both white and Negro, earn leas than Negro 
men with eight years of education. 


It might be noted that the interests indicated by males lead to 

higher-paying positions than those indicated by females. The pos- 
sible causative relation between female interest and status or 
salary remains an open question. 

Again, the question of whether women are forced into such posi- 
tions because of discrimination, or whether they choose the posi- 
tions for reasons of internalized self -devaluation or actual 
preference, remains an open one. 

Of course, the assumption that a child who asks "why" questions, 
is good at problem-solving, and likes difficult tasks is at an ad- 
vantage in getting good grades in a public school is a highly 
questionable one. It is quite possible that the socialization of 
boys prepares them for success in college more than success in 
grade school. 


Thi3 study — and others to a lesser extent — are, of course, dated. 
While the picture is more complex today, there is evidence that 
the sort of pressures described by the study still exist. 

A direct example of the type of cultural pressures exerted upon 
girls is contained in the following excerpt from a syndicated 
column by Harriet Van Home, commenting upon the feminist Hiss 
America protest: 

Those sturdy lasses in their sensible shoes ... 
have been scared and wounded by consorting with the 
wrong men (of dubious masculinity who wear frilly 
Edwardian clothes) ... men who do not understand 
the way to a female's heart — i.e., to make her feel 
utterly feminine, and almost too delicate for this 
hard world. 

She concluded that there might be some truth in the "mindless 


boob-girlie symbolism," but went on to say, "Host of us would 
rather be some dear man's boob girl than nobody's cum laude scholar." 
The assumptions in the laBt statement bear examination. (Quotations 
are from Elli3, 1970.) 

Boverman et al . (1970) gave a sex-role stereotype questionnaire 
of 122 bipolar items to 79 actively functioning clinicians, asking 
them to describe a healthy, mature, socially competent 

(a) adult 

(b) man 

(c) woman. 

Clinical judgments about the character of healthy individuals dif- 
fered as a function of the sex of the person judged, paralleling 
sex-role differences. The behaviors and character judged healthy 
for an adult, sex unspecified, resembled that for men but not for 



The subjects were 96 undergraduate students enrolled in two 
introductory psychology classes at the University of Florida in 1971. 
They took part in the experiment in order to fulfill a course re- 
quirement for experimental participation. Included in the study 
were 48 females and 48 males. 


Scrambled Word3 

Groups of subjects gathered in a room with 3O-4O chairs for 
the night session. The groups contained eight subjects, ten subjects, 
and six subjects, respectively. At the beginning of the session, 
subjects were divided into pairs and were seated together in a part 
of the room separated from other pairs. By selective dismissal of 
extra subjects, and by judicious timing of the sessions' beginning 
and assignment to pairs, an equal number of male and female subjects, 
and equal numbers of males paired with males, males paired with 
females, females paired with females, and females paired with males, 
was obtained without specifying sex on the sign-up sheet or having 
any session consisting solely of pairs of one type. Subjects 



received the verbal instruction: "Part of this experiment will be 
.done with partners. Please sit with your partner in a section of the 
room away from the other pairs and introduce yourself to your part- 
ner." Subjects were asked, when the partners were assigned, if they 
knew the prospective partner; and subjects who knew each other were 
not assigned as partners. 

The ta3k used was derived from the Lowell Scrambled Words 
Test (Lowell, 1952). Each of the three forma contained 40 words 
randomly chosen from Lowell's list. This measure wa3 chosen be- 
cause of its use in previous achievement research (Lowell, 1952, 
and Horner, 1968) and because of the ease in constructing three 
parallel forms. The forms so constructed had distributions approxi- 
mating normal, but did not have equal means, so the scores were 
converted to z score3 for the analysis. 

A sample was constructed in order to reduce the effects of 
order. (Order was also balanced in the design.) Each person re- 
ceived, face down, a copy of the sample sheet with the following 
verbal instructions: 

The Scrambled Words test has been used for over 35 years. 
It is a test of facility with words. As you may know, 
vocabulary tests have proven to be the best single 
measure of general intelligence. This test measures 
one aspect of vocabulary. On the sheet in front of 
you are some sample common words with the letters 
scrambled. Try to make word3 out of them and write 
them in the blanks. No plurals or proper nouns are 
acceptable. Turn over the sheet and begin now. 

The instructions were designed to heighten the motive to 
achieve by tying achievement to intelligence. Ninety 8econd3 were 


allowed for the subjects to work on the sample; then the answers were 
read and the papers collected. A form of the Scrambled Words Test 
was passed out to each subject, face down, with "Form (A, B, or C)" 
written on the side facing the subject. The verbal instructions 
varied according to whether the group received the competitive or 
non-competitive condition first. 

Competitive first instructions: 

You have the same form of the test as your 
partner, containing the same words. Do you 
both have Form ( )? You will be in competition 
with each other. After we finish the tests, you 
will exchange papers with your partner and score 
each other' 3 paper. 

You will have 5 minutes. Work quickly, since 
few people finish in this time. It is not 
necessary to do the words in order. Begin. 

(After 5 minutes, subjects were asked to turn their 
papers over and another form was distributed.) 

This time we will do it differently. You are 
taking two different forms, containing differ- 
ent words. One of you has Form ( ), the other 
Form ( ). Is that right? Your objective is 
simply to do the best that you can. You will 
not see each other's paper, and your scores 
will not be compared. Begin. 

Non-competitive first instructions: 

You and your partner are taking two different 
forms of the test, containing different words. 
One of you has Form ( ), the other Form ( ). Is 
that right? Your objective 13 simply to do the 
best that you can. You will have 5 minutes. 
Work quickly since few people finish in that 
time. It is not necessary to do the words in 
order. Begin. 

(After 5 minutes, subjects were asked to turn their 
papers over and another form was distributed. ) 


This time we will do it differently. You 
have the same form of the test as your partner, 
containing the same words. Do you both have 
Form ( )? You will be in competition with each 
other. After we finish the test, you will ex- 
change papers with your partner and score each 
other' 3 paper. Begin. 

Following the second Scrambled Words test, partners exchanged 


and scored each other'3 papers.. All papers were then collected. 


to Avoid Success 

Next, the booklet of Cue Interpretations was distributed. 


leads were used to elicit imaginative stories for the measure- 

ment oi 

the "motive to avoid success," following Horner (1968). The 


lead3 selected were: 

1A - After the first term finals, Anne finds herself at 
the top of her medical school class. 

IB. - Same, with Peter used as the name. 

2A - A telegram comes to Alice, telling her that her 
short story will be published in a literary 

2B — Same, with Paul used as the name. 

3A - Completing the last of a series of physics 
experiments she has devised, Sally makes a 
new and unexpected discovery. 

3B - Same, with David used as the name. 

4A - Susan gets a letter saying she has bean chosen 
from among many applicants to win the Eliot 
Memorial Scholarship, paying for a year'e 
study at Oxford. 

4B - Same, with Peter used as the name. 

Four forms were constructed, each with two female cue leads 

and two 

male cue leads, with the particular leads rotated! 


Porn A - 1A, 2A, 3B, 4B. 

Form B - 1A, 2B, 3A, 4B. 

Form C - IB, 2A, 3B, 4A. 

Form D - IB, 2B, 3A, 4A. 

Equal numbers of males and females received each form. 

Leads 1A and IB comprised the original "motive to avoid 
success" measure devised by Horner. In her study, each subject re- 
ceived only leads with main characters of the same sex. In order to 
compare the projection to members of the same and opposite sex by 
the two Bexes, the measure has been extended for this study. 

Instructions for the Cue Interpretations were read aloud 
as the subjects looked at the instructions printed on the first page 
of the booklet: 

You are going to see a series of verbal leads 
or cues, and your task is to tell a story that 
is suggested to you by each cue. Try to imagine 
what is going on in each. Then tell what the 
situation i3, what lead up to the situation, 
what the people are thinking and feeling, and 
what they will do. 

In other words, write as complete a story as 
you can — a story with plot and characters. 

You will have 20 seconds to look at a verbal cue 
and then 4 minutes to write your story about it. 
Write your first impressions and work rapidly. 
I will keep time and tell you when it is time to 
finish your story and to get ready for the next 

There are no right or wrong stories or kinds of 
stories, so you may feel free to write whatever 
story is suggested to you when you look at a cue. 
Spelling, punctuation, and grammar are not im- 
portant. What is important is to write out as 
fully and quickly as possible the story that 
comes into your mind as you imagine what is 
going on in each cue. 


Notice that there will be one page for writ- 
ing each atory, following the page on which 
the verbal cue ia given. If you need more 
space for writing any story, use the reverse 
side of the previous page — the one on which the 
oue was presented. Do not turn or go on to the 
next page until I tell you to do so. 

Each vorbal lead was printed slightly above the middle of a single 
page in the booklet; and following each page with a verbal lead 
was one for writing the story to that particular cue, with ques- 
tions reminding the subject of the instructions (see Appendix). 
Theae pages were identical to those used in TAT picture achievement 
motivation measurement (Atkinson, 1958). 

The stories were scored following Horner, according to a 
present-absent scoring system. The stories were scored for avoid- 
ance of success if there was imagery expressed which reflected 
concern about the success. Some instances in which a story would 
be scored as "imagery present" include: 

a. negative consequences because of the success. 

b. denial of the situation described by the cue, 

c. negative affect because of the success. 

d. direct expression of conflict about the success. 

e. choice not to accept the success or honor, or 
instrumental activity away from present or 
future success, including leaving the field 
for more traditional female work. 

The author had 92 percent rescore concordance of imagery present for 
48 protocols and 86 percent. concordance with an independent scorer 
for 48 protocols (computed as the number of agreement judgments of 
imagery present/absent divided by the total number of stories). 

Following completion of the Cue Interpretations, subjects 
completed a brief questionnaire on their personal background and 
vocational and educational goals. 


Following completion of the questionnaire, the subjects re- 
ceived a Terman-Milea M-F (called Attitude-Interest Analysis Test 
on the booklet) for completion at home. 

The experimental session lasted approximately one hour. The 
session vas conducted by the author. 


The Scrambled Words task data were the dependent variables 
in a three-way analysis of variance with repeated measures designed 
to test H, and Hp. A summary of this analysis is contained in 
Table 1. The effect of sex x competition was not significant, thus 
failing to support the hypothesis that male subjects would obtain 
higher task scores in the competitive than in the non-competitive 
condition, or the hypothesis that female subjects would score higher 
in the non-competitive than in the competitive condition. 

Additionally, the number of males and females with positive 
and with negative competition-non-competition difference scores were 

Scrambled Words Competition-Non-competition by Sex 




Males 25 



Females 23 





Chi Square = .70 


1 df , 



This treatment of the data also did not confirm H. or H . 



Hypothesis 3 and 4 dealt with the "motive 

to avoid success" 

measure. As seen in Table 2, a Chi Square test 

of the 

sexes sepa- 

rately did not show a significant difference in 


the male or 

female subjects' projections of "motive to avoid 

success" according 

to the sex of the cue character. 


According to 

to Avoid Success" Imagery 
Sex of Cue and Sex of Subject 

Female Subjects 















Chi Square 

= 1.08 with 1 df, na 

Kale Subjects 












Chi Square 

■ 1.14 with 1 df, ns 

All Subjects 











Chi Square 

» 3.91 with 1 df, significant 

at .05 level 

However, when the sexes were combined, the Chi Square was 
significant, supporting the hypothesis that both sexes attribute 
more "motive to avoid success" imagery to the female cue. 


TABI£ 3 

Analysis of Variance of Scrambled Words Task Scores as 
a Function of Sex of Subject, Sex of Partner, and 









Sex of Partner 




Sex + Sex of Partner 




SS Within 



Competition Condition 




Competition + Sex 




Competition + Sex of Partner 




Competition + Sex + 

Sex of Partner 




Competition + SS Within 






The similar number of attributions by male and female sub- 
jects is disparate from those of Horner (1968) who showed 8 males 
and 56 females attributing "motive to avoid success" imagery, and 
80 males and 34 females not attributing "motive to avoid success" 
imagery. The resulting Chi Square was highly significant (p <.0005). 
In her reported data, there were 178 possibilities for reporting 
imagery, with one cue of the same sex as the subject scored for 
each subject} while in this investigation there were 344 possi- 


bilities for reporting imagery, two cues of each sex for each subject. 

The proportion of attributions out of the total possible, 
96/344 or .28 for this study and 65/178 or .36 for Horner's data, 
shows a small difference. The large disparity between the two 
studies occurs in the proportion of attributions given by each sex. 

In order to compare more validly with Horner's data, the 
lead identical to hers (lA, IB) was tabulated as follows: 


Tabulation of Original "Motive to Avoid Success" Lead by 
Sex of Subject and Sex of Cue Character 

Female Subjects to Female Cue Female Subjects to Kale Cue 

Mo imagery 16 No imagery 18 

Imagery 8 Imagery 6 

Male Subjects to Male Cue Male Subjects to Female Cue 

No imagery 20 No imagery 18 

Imagery 4 Imagery 6 

When solely the imagery of females to female cue (present » 8, 
absent » 16) and the imagery of males to male cue is examined, the 
difference between male and female attributions is greater than for 
the study as a whole, although it does not approach the 8/56 
ratio of male to female subjects' imagery that Horner obtained, 
A Chi Square teat of this subgroup of data was non-significant 
(Chi Square = 3.5, 1 df), but the validity of such a test is in 
question, since the frequency in one cell is less than 5 (Bruning 
and Kinta, I968, p. 209). 


Female subjects' "motive to avoid success" scores were pre- 
dicted to be related to the competition-non-competition difference 
scores by H,-. In analyzing this result and the one following, only 
imagery to cues of the same sex as the subject will be used. 


Female "Motive to Avoid Success" Imagery to 
Female Cues and Competition-Non-competition Difference 

Positive Negative 


Imagery present 15 7 22 

Imagery absent 10 16 26 

25 23 

Chi Square « 4.2 with 1 df, significant at .05 level 

A comparable analysis was done of the male subjects' "motive 
to avoid success" imagery to male cues. 


Male "Motive to Avoid Success" Imagery to 
Male Cues and Competition-Non-competition Difference 

Positive Negative 


Imagery present 11 4 22 

Imagery absent 14 19 26 

25 23 

Chi-Square - 5.67, significant at the .05 level 


It ia concluded that both males' and females' "motive to 
avoid success" imagery is related to their performance in a competi- 
tive situation. Subjects of both sexes who scored higher in the 
competitive than in the non-competitive conditions on the task 
were more likely to have "motive to avoid success" imagery present 
than those subjects who scored higher in the non-competitive situa- 

Hypotheses 6-10 involve the Terman-Mile3 H-F . The Terman- 
Miles scores for this sample showed differences from the norm groups 
reported in 1938. The median score for females was -36, tho mean 
-33.8. Compared to the norms for female college sophomores, the 
mean of females in this study falls around the 73rd percentile. 
Compared to the female general adult norms, the mean ia equivalent 
to a standardized score of +1.25. 

For males, 47.5 was the median score, 49.3 the mean. This 
mean falls around the 29th percentile when compared to male collage 
sophomores, and +.25 standardized score when compared to male 
general adult norms. 

Females in thia study, in comparison with both norm groups, 
are markedly more masculine in their scores than in the 1938 sample. 
For males, the picture is less definite. Compared to college sopho- 
mores, males in this sample are more feminine in their scores. How- 
ever, compared to the male general adult sample, they are slightly 
more masculine in their scores. 

It was hypothesized that women on the masculine side (when 
female subjects' scores are divided at the mid-point) of the Terman- 


Miles will make higher task scores in the competitive than in the 
non-competitive conditions. Table 7 shows the data. 


Female Subjects' Terman-Miles Scores and Corapetition- 
Non-competition Difference Scores 



Feminine Scorers 




Masculine Scorers 




Chi Square ■ 

.70 1 if, 


The results were not significant and H,- is not confirmed. 

H_ hypothesized a relationship for females between Teraian- 
Hiles scores and "motive to avoid success" scores, with the direction 
not predicted. The data in Table 8 show a non-significant rela- 
tionship, with a tendency for more masculine 3corers to show "motive 
to avoid Hucces3" imagery and more feminine scorers not to show 


Female Subjects' Terman-Miles Scores and "Motive to Avoid 
Success" Imagery to Female Cues 





-Mi lea 

Imagery Present 




Imagery Absent 





Chi Square 

=2.1 with 1 df, 



Academic majors were classified as male, neutral, or female 
according to the proportion of males to females enrolled in these 
majors at the University of Florida. Majors having 40-60 percent 
females were considered neutral, above 60 percent female, and below 
40 percent male. Then major choice was tabulated by the masculine 
or feminine group placement of the female subject on the Terman- 
Miles, as shown in Table 9. 


Sex Composition of Female Subjects' Major 
and Terraan-Miles Scores 




















Chi-Square = 6.73 with 2 df, significant at the .05 level 

Feminine scorers on the Terman-Miles choose feminine majors 
more often than masculine scorers, while masculine scorers choose 
masculine and neutral majors more often than feminine scorers. 
H fi is confirmed. 


The questionnaire item on educational plans was tabulated 
by placing those female subjects who planned a bachelor'3 degree 
and those who planned more than a bachelor's degree in separate 
groups. The subjects in these groups were then catagorized accord- 


ing to masculine or feminine grouping on the Terman-Hiles as seen 
in Table 10. 


Female Subjects' Educational Ambitions 
and Terman-Hiles Scores 

Masculine Terman-Hiles 
Feminine Terman-Mile3 











Chi Square «< 3.4 with 1 df, n.s. 

The Chi Square value for the test of the hypothesis that 
Terman-Hiles feminine scorers will be les3 educationally ambitious 
closely approaches significance. The value of 3.4 compares with 
the 3.8 necessary for significance at the .05 level and with the 
2.7 needed for significance at the .10 level, Bhowing a strong 
tendency toward confirmation of the hypothesis. 


The result showing no difference between the competitive 
and non-competitive task scores of men is at variance with other 
reported studies (Horner, 1968; Usegui and Vinacte, 1963; and 
Walker and Heyns, 1962). The cultural conditioning of men to be 
competitive in sports, in school, in the armed forces, and by 
advertising is pervasive. It is possible that men in the sample 
are an indication of college men becoming less competitive by 
reason of the influence of the counterculture which devalues com- 
petition and success, as will be discussed later. Rather than 
accepting such an explanation precipitately, let us examine some 
more obvious explanations of the data. The reliability of the 
Scrambled Words task, a3 used in this study, is open to question. 
There were large individual differences in the test scores. Very 
little of the variance was explained by the individual variables 

However, when individual differences were controlled for 
by taking the competition score of each subject and subtracting the 
non-competition situation score from it, the scores so obtained 
were used to derive some significant results, as hypothesized. 
When this treatment was applied to the data concerning males' 



competition scores, however, 25 male subjects scored higher in the 
competitive than in the non-competitive situation, and 23 male sub- 
jects scored higher in the non-competitive than in the competitive 
situation — again showing little difference. 

Another obvious possible explanation of the failure for men 
to make higher scores in the competitive situation concerns the 
credibility of the situation to the subject. It is possible that 
the subjects did not believe that the non-competitive situation 
was really non-competitive, or that they really had a different 
word list from their partners in the non-competitive situation, 
despite the different form letters being in their view and the 
check by the examiner to see that they had different forms. This 
explanation, also, i3 weakened by the results which do relate to 
the competitive-non-competitive difference as predicted. The mean- 
ing of the lack of elevation of male subjects' scores in the com- 
petitive situations remains a question. 

Female subjects did not Bhow a significant competition 
condition effect, as was expected and as was found by Horner (I968). 

The results on the number of "motive to avoid success" pro- 
jections by sex of subject and sex of cue require further explana- 
tion. The number of projections to male cues by male subjects (20) 
and the number of projections to male cues by female subjects (19) 
were nearly identical, as were the number of projections to female 
cues by female subjects (29) and the number of projections to female 
cues by male subjects (28). Apparently, men and women agree on the 
social role of men and women with reference to this variable; women 


aire somewhat more likely to be punished for or be ambivalent about 
success, although this statement cannot be made at the .05 level. 

The question of the meaning of projections is raised by these 
results. Are subjects projecting their own needs, or are they re- 
sponding primarily to the stimulus value of the cue? Is it valid 
to assume that responses to the same sex cue are projections of the 
subject's need system, and responses to the opposite sex cue are 
statements about social role? 

Operationally, studies of achievement motivation using TAT 
cards (the verbal lead technique was derived from the TAT) provide 
support for considering only same sex cues as predictive behavior- 
ally. McClelland et al . (1953) were unable to differentiate achiev- 
ing from underachieving girls on the basis of their projections to 
male figure cards, but were able to differentiate them on the basis 
of responses to female figure cards. Pierce and Bowman (i960) 
were not able to relate n-ach and academic achievement when male 
cues wore used. 

Theoretically, it is useful to remember that the TAT measure 
was based upon Freudian theory and tho word "projection" has the 
specific meaning in that context of the act of ascribing to someone 
or something elae one's own thoughts, needs, or feelings. This mean- 
ing, when applied to TAT cards or projective cues, obscures the 
stimulus value of the figure of cue itself. 

Given the fact that 50 percent of women Ph. D. 's are not 
married, is the girl who writes about a lonely academically successful 
girl wholly "projecting" in the Freudian sense? Might not response 


to cues of both sexes be considered statements of observed social 
contingencies and expectations that each sex has of itself and the 
other sex? Relatedly, might not "motive to avoid success" be bet- 
ter named "anticipation of negative consequences of success" or 
"ambivalence concerning success?" 

The ratio between males' attribution to male cues and 
females' attribution to female cues was 19/29, yielding a non-sig- 
nificant Chi Square, in sharp contrast to the 8/56 ratio of Horner, 
which yielded a Chi Square significant at the .0005 level. 

One difference between the two studies which might be 
relevant is that Horner's study had subjects taking the "motive to 
avoid success" measure along with achievement motivation leads in 
a different session than the task3, while this study had the "motive 
to avoid success" measure immediately following the competitive and 
non-competitive task situations. Theoretically, what one might 
expect from such a placement is a heightening of the salience of 
needs and fears related to the achievement situation. 

The possibility remains that there is a difference in the 
characteristics of the samples. Horner's data were taken in I965, 
six-to-seven years before this study. Time has seen the rise of 
a counterculture, with its values critical of competition and 
conventional success. The author noted that around 2/3 to 3/4 of 
the males showed some outward sign which could be interpreted as 
an identification with the counterculture (beard, long hair, psyche- 
delic shirt, worn blue jeans with embroidered patches, etc.). Also, 
it is possible that the University of Florida has a larger proportion 


of students who are not motivated to academic achievement than the 
University of Michigan, the site of the Horner study. 

Upon looking at the males' stories, around half of those 
rated as having "motive to avoid success" imagery present are so 
classified because of the denial of the value of the successj for 
example, one story line goes: "After being number one on the 
medical school finals, John decides it is not worth the effort and 
drops out." Another example appeared in several stories of both 
male and female subjects: Peter decides not to take the scholar- 
ship to Oxford in order to stay home with his girl. Host of the 
"motive to avoid success" stories of females as well as males were 
of this denial of the value of success or choosing some other 
value than success type, a classification showing little prominence 
in Horner's discussion. The 3tory listed by her as typical of 
female "motive to avoid success" involved a woman lowering her 
performance in order not to be higher than her boy-friend. Few of 
this study's stories were of that type. There was evidence in a 
number of women subjects' success stories to female cues of an 
awareness of the woman's liberation issues; such as, "The admis- 
sion committee hadn't wanted to admit Anne because she was a woman. 
And now she is at the head of her class. She will continue to make 
high grades and make it possible for more women to be admitted to 
medical school." 

The observed difference in the character of the "motive to 
avoid success" stories could be a partial explanation of the sex 
distribution discrepancy between the two studies. The ideological 


devaluation of suooess or competition is less sex-related than the 
expectancy of punishmen; for success. 

A significant relationship was found for each sex between 
"motive to avoid success" imagery (same sex cues used for analysis) 
and the competition— non-competition difference scores. Subjects 
of both sexes who scored higher in the competitive than in the non- 
competitive condition were more likely to show "motive to avoid success" 
imagery than subjects who scored higher in the non-competitive condi- 
tion. This result can be explained in terms of heightened anxiety 
(or expectancy of negative reinforcement) concerning competitive 
success, an anxiety not shared by subjects who scored higher in the 
non-competitive situation. 

In the formation of the hypothesis, the direction of the 
result was not predicted, since higher non-competitive task scores 
positively related to the presence of "motive to avoid success" 
imagery could have been easily explained on the basis that subjects 
with "motive to avoid success" imagery present do not do well in 
competition in order not to arouse the negative consequences which 
they expect if they do well in competition. It appears, however, 
that "motive to avoid success" functions, for both male and female 
subjects, not so much as a deterrent to competitive achievement 
but as a measure of ambivalent feelings about that achievement. 

Cjt may be noted that in the discussion up to thi3 point the 
performance of male and female subjects has been similar. Neither 
showed a significant difference in performance between the competitive 
and non-competitive conditions^ Both sexes showed almost identical 


patterns of attribution of "motive to avoid success" by sex; and 
both sexes showed a positive relationship between presence of 
"motive to avoid success" imagery and competitive condition scores 
being higher than non-competitive condition scores. 

The result of female subjects' Terman-Miles (a measure of 
sex-role identification) scores, showing a non-significant trend 
for scorers in the masculine half of female subjects to be higher 
in "motive to avoid success" imagery, is consistent with the pre- 
vious result. Female subjects who identify relatively more with the 
masculine are likely to place themselves in situations where "motive 
to avoid success," or ambivalence about success, is aroused. Sub- 
jects who identify themselves with the traditional feminine role 
are safely out of situations where negative reinforcement is likely. 

The significant relationship between Terman-Miles scores 
and the sex composition of the major choice and the strong non- 
significant trend for masculine-side scorers on the Terman-Miles 
to be more educationally ambitious complete a picture of the 
female subject who scores in the masculine-side on the Terman-Miles 
choosing a major with a relatively large number of men in it, and 
being more likely than not to be educationally ambitious and ambiv- 
alent about success. 

The expected addition to this picture, that masculine-side 
scorers would score higher in the competitive than in the non-compet- 
itive condition, was not substantiated. However, the rationale for 
this hypothesis was that masculine-side scorers on the Terman-Miles 
would behave like males in scoring higher in the competitive 


condition, and it is noted that the males also did not perform 
higher in the competitive condition. 

Competition— Implications 

If the results of this study are interpreted as one sign of 
a decreasing value placed by college students upon competitive 
achievement and upon success, then how are we to evaluate this change? 
Arguments concerning the destructiveness of competition in human 
relationships and the necessity for the substitution of coopera- 
tion for competition for our very survival in this complex, tech- 
nological, polluted, and conflict-ridden planet are heard. Argu- 
ments that the success ethic leads to a dehumanizing, empty, 
status-seeking, and materialistic existence are also frequently 
heard in the counterculture. 

Definite problems arise, however, if success and competi- 
tion are no longer effective motivators. What happens to people 
who have been motivated mo3t of their lives by goals they no longer 
consider valid? Many of them become passive, immobile, never hav- 
ing learned to develop self-motivation. Also, what happens to the 
blacks-, women, and others who consider themselves to have "made it" 
for the first time — who now discover that the positions or successes 
they have newly achieved are no longer valued highly by others? In 
a time of rapid value change, the counselor will have no lack of 

Much of the shocking (of. Toffler, Future Shock , 1970) effect of 
such a value change could be mitigated by restructuring of the 


motivational system in the schools, from kindergarten through 
graduate school, to maximize self-direction and minimize competi- 
tion and the perception of success as a goal in itself. It seems 
to thi3 author that such a project would have a humanizing effect 
and would minimize the problem of lack of motivation, if (or when) 
success and competition lose more of their motivating value. 

Sexual Roles— Implications "\ 

Two major findings, of this study concerning sex-role3 are 
that identification with the traditional sex-role for females does 
show a relationship to some achievement-related variables (major 
choice, educational ambition, ambivalence about success), and that 
the females are identifying less with the traditional female role 
than when the Terman-Miles was standardized (1938). 

What are the implications for counseling? Upon asking such 
a question, another immediately arises. What is the task of 
psychotherapy (or counseling)? Is it helping the client make an 
adjustment to society as it is? Is it helping her/him to be the 
best possible her/him regardless of conventions? Is it some com- 
bination of the two? Therapists who take the first approach solely, 
that of seeing their job as facilitating adjustment, are quite 
likely to be doing their clients a disservice; for in these times 
of rapid change a person adjusted to today's cultural milieu may 
be maladjusted to tomorrow's if he does not possess either a capacity 
to change or a strong internalized value system. Likewise, the 


person who seems out of step today may be seen tomorrow as having 
been in the vanguard. 

The author's personal value orientation as a clinical psychol- 
ogist i3 to welcome and promote the loosening of sexual roles, see- 
ing a wide range of behavior as healthy. Men or women who wish to 
stay within their traditional roles, or assume many of the role 
aspects traditionally reserved for the opposite sex, may all be 
viewed as healthy, depending upon other factors (e.g., whether or 
not they are being destructive to others or themselves by their 

With a much wider range of behavior open to members of both 
sexes, opportunities for personal development should be more numer- 
ous. However, a widening range of choice often brings tension, 
anxiety, and a premature foreclosure or immobilizing indeoisive- 

It would be extremely difficult and costly to design an 
adequate experiment concerning the effect upon Americans of living 
in a non-competitive environment, or of living in an environment 
in which competitiveness is minimized and cooperation maximized. 
However, such experiments — intentional communities — are being formed 
and are in existence throughout the country. More defined and 
serious purposed than the communes, they would make interesting 
social laboratories for studying some of the questions raised by 
this paper. 


Evaluative Instruments and Instructions 


















































































































i i 
















You are going to see a series of verbal leads or cues, 
and your task is to tell a story that is suggested to you by each 
cue. Try to imagine what is going on in each. Then tell what 
the situation is, what lead up to the situation, what the people 
are thinking and feeling, and what they will do. 

In other words, write a3 complete a story as you can— 
a story with plot and characters. 

You will have 20 seconds to look at a verbal cue and 
then 4 minutes to write your story about it, Write your first 
impressions and work rapidly. I will keep time and tell you when 
it is time to finish your story and to get ready for the next cue. 

There are no right or wrong stories or kinds of stories, 
so you may feel free to write whatever story is suggested to 
you when you look at a cue. Spelling, punctuation, and grammer 
are not important. What is important is to write out as fully 
and quickly as possible the story that into your mind as 
you imagine what is going on In each cue. 

Notice that there will be one page for writing each 
story, following the page on which the verbal cue is given. If 
you need more space for writing any story, use the reverse side 
of the previous page — the one on which the cue was presented. 
Do not t.irn or go on to the next page until I tell you to do so. 

6 5 


1. What is happening? Who are the persons? 

2. What has led up to this situation? That is, what has 
happened in the past? 

3. What i3 being thought? What is wanted? By whom? 

4. What will happen? What will be done? 

(A page identical to this one follows each cue.) 


















General Questionnaire 

Name ___^ Age Sfcc 

Academic year in school (freshman, etc.) 

Major (If undecided, say so and list your most probable majors.) 

What are your educational goals? (What is the highest degree you 
expect to earn and in what area?) 

What are your vocational goals once your education is completed? 

How many children are there in your family? Brothers Sisters 

How many are younger than you? _ __ Brothers _ Sisters 
How many are older than you? Brothers Sisters 

What is your father's occupation? (if your father is retired or 
deceased, please indicate and list his most recent occupa- 
tion. ) 

What wa3 the highest level of schooling that your father attained? 
(indicate degrees earned, if appropriate) 

Is your mother employed outside the home? _ _ If not, has she 

ever been? What is (was) her occupation? 

Was she employed while you were of preschcol age? 
Is this full or part time employment? 

What was the highest level of schooling that your mother attained? 
(indicate degrees earned, if appropriate.) 

What is your marital status? _ Single Married 

If single, do you ever expect to be married? 



You may fill out this test at your convenience and return 
it to the mailbox marked "Crummar" in the graduate student mail 
room (next to the main psychology office). Failure to do so 
will result in loss of experimental credit for this experiment. 
Please do not discuss this test with anyone, particularly when 
you are working on it. You may disregard the front page and 
begin with exercise one. 

Before you begin, write your name here: 


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Mary Lewis Crummer was born during the last days 
of World War II in the mountains of Pennsylvania. Her 
devout Lutheran, ex-high school English-teacher mother 
and intellectual, Thoreau-quoting, engineering-professor 
father instilled in her a strong motive to achieve, re- 
sulting in a number of honors (graduated from the Univer- 
sity of Florida with high honors, Woodrow Wilson Fellow) 
and a certain over— seriousness which has been more than 
remedied by the joyous presence of resident Zen-clowns, 
husband Arthur, and son Adam Thor. 

Interests include people, alternative schools 
for designing environments for maximum personal and 
spiritual growth, intentional communities, the integration 
of religion and sexuality, gourmet and health food cooking, 
organic gardening, yoga, and massage. 


I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion 
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and 
is fully adequate, in 3cope and quality, as a dissertation for the 
degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 

Crater, Chairman 
Professor of Psychology 

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion 
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and 
is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the 
degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 

Audrey 3. Sehumaker 
Professor of Psychology 

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion 
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and 
is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the 
degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 

Marvin E. Shaw 

Professor of Psychology 

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion 
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and 
is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the 
degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 


(Jacqjelin H. Uoldman 
Associate Professor of Psychology 
and Clinical Psychology 

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion 
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and 
is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the 
degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 


William Ma Purkey 
Professor of Education 

This dissertation was submitted to the Department 
of Psychology in the College of Arts and Sciences 
and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as 
partial fulfillment of the requirements for the 
degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 

June, 1972 

Dean, Craduate School 


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